As the world undergoes rapid political and economic transformations with escalating conflicts shaking the Middle East, the region has witnessed a full year of genocide in Gaza – and no clear prospect for an end.
The conflict has expanded to southern Lebanon, reverberated in Yemen and Iraq, and reached Iran.
The Future of the Middle East series seeks to explore these challenges through interviewing prominent politicians, theorists, intellectuals, and current and former diplomats, providing various regional and international perspectives.
Through these discussions and insights, lessons from the past are shared in order to chart a path forward.
From the roots of the Arab-Israeli conflict to regional interventions and the rise of new non-state actors, this series engages in enlightened discussions regarding what can be learned from history and how it will impact the region’s future.
It aims to explore visions for the future and highlight the vital role that Arab nations can play if historical alliances are revived, pushing towards sustainable stability while safeguarding their interests.
The structure of the series involves two parts – the first being a series of seven fixed questions based on requests from readers on the future of the region. The second part features questions tailored to the interviewees specific background, providing new insights into the overarching vision of the interview.
Ultimately, this series aims to explore how the Arab region can craft its own unified independent project – one free of external influence.
Who is Naledi Pandor?
A diplomat with the heart of an activist and a defender of global justice, former South African Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Executive Director of the Nelson Mandela Foundation for Combating Apartheid, Naledi Pandor, is a beacon of inspiration for African women.
Her unwavering commitment to the legacy of independence left by Nelson Mandela is what led to the historic precedent of bringing Israel before the International Court of Justice on charges of genocide.
In her exclusive interview with Al-Masry Al-Youm, Pandor revealed that she was “forced” to leave her ministerial position after receiving threats against her family following South Africa’s decision to file the genocide case against Israel at the ICJ.
Pandor believes that Egypt and South Africa have the potential to revive the spirit of the Asian-African Bandung Conferences, a historic event which mitigated the impact of Cold War bipolarity on Third World countries and laid the foundation for the Non-Aligned Movement in the 1960s.
She is also confident that both nations can lead effective African-Asian integration.
The survival of Eastern and Global South nations is closely interconnected, according to Pandor. She argues that the weakening of African and Asian alliances has emboldened oppressive colonial powers to escalate their violations against Third World nations.
However, she expresses confidence that Cairo and Cape Town can reignite African and Asian unity to confront these challenges.
Our conversation with Pandor comes at a time of radical transformations in the Arab region and its surroundings— what the West calls the “Middle East.” These shifts are unfolding against the backdrop of controversial statements and policies by US President Donald Trump, who openly declared his intention to displace Gaza’s indigenous population in pursuit of shared American-Israeli ambitions.
Pandor believes that such hostile proposals should deeply concern Middle Eastern leaders and push them to unite against impending threats.
She also rejects the West’s classification of Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations, particularly when they take up arms to counter Israeli threats. She firmly asserts that Palestinian armed resistance is inevitable and indispensable as long as the occupying force refuses to reach a peaceful settlement.
Pandor also warns that the Zionist movement’s media and intelligence activities pose a security threat not only to Africa and the Middle East but also to every region where they operate. To ensure internal stability, she calls for greater engagement in democratic governance and better responsiveness to the aspirations and grievances of the people.
The term “Middle East” is a colonial geographical expression, yet it has become the dominant way to describe the region that includes Arab states, Iran, Turkey, and others. Throughout history, this region has suffered from conflicts rooted in colonial schemes, making it a constant hotspot on the global map.
How do you assess the region’s current reality and the role of history in shaping it?
• The Middle East is an immensely important region, rich in both natural and human resources, and it deserves peace and prosperity. However, it has been negatively impacted by external factors that hinder its progress.
These external interventions have fueled division, deepened political crises, and intensified violence.
Due to these foreign influences, the region has spiraled into endless conflicts – even despite its vast mineral and oil wealth.
I believe that the failure to support Palestine’s struggle for freedom and justice, and the absence of a fair, comprehensive, and lasting solution to the Palestinian issue, have exacerbated the region’s crises.
This failure has also prevented the Middle East from realizing its full potential.
Furthermore, hostile foreign intervention has obstructed regional integration, unity, economic freedom, and democracy.
The “Middle East” as a term first appeared in American writings by Alfred Mahan in 1902. Later, Condoleezza Rice introduced the concept of the “New Middle East,” a notion now resurfacing amid Israel’s wars on Gaza and Lebanon, as well as tensions with Iran. How do you view this plan, especially in light of Trump’s return and the rise of the far right in the US? Trump has explicitly stated his goal of erasing Gaza’s population for the benefit of Tel Aviv and Washington.
What is your perspective on this?
• Even before Trump’s outrageous and hostile statements, Israeli leaders had already expressed their expansionist ambitions openly. Their success in achieving this illegitimate goal largely relies on creating a perpetual state of fear and insecurity in the region through igniting conflicts.
I believe that the deliberate instability in the Middle East is intended to facilitate these expansionist plans.
The recent war on Gaza has proven that Israel and its powerful allies, particularly the US, are willing to commit genocide, violate all international laws, and take extreme measures to occupy Palestinian territory.
The violence carried out by these so-called settlers reflects the deep-seated hatred and aggression tied to Israel’s expansionist agenda.
I do not believe that US leaders genuinely intend to achieve peace or grant Palestinians their right to self-determination.
To be frank, I am deeply pessimistic about the negative repercussions of Trump’s return. His early indications point to increasing hostility, extremism, and disregard for Middle Eastern peace and security.
Trump’s recent statements should alarm the entire region and push its leaders to unite and respond effectively to the upcoming threats posed by his administration’s policies.
In your opinion, what are the major regional powers doing in response to these plans, particularly Egypt and Saudi Arabia, as two of the most influential states in the region?
• The most powerful and influential governments in the region must act collectively.
I firmly believe that key states such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia have a responsibility to take decisive action—pushing forcefully to defend the region’s sovereignty, freedom, and increasingly jeopardized independence.
They must unite to enhance cooperation and coordinate responses towards these dire threats to regional security.
Reaffirming support for the Palestinian people’s struggle is also critical, alongside pushing for a just resolution to the Palestinian issue – a first step toward freeing the region from US dominance and ensuring respect for the sovereignty of all nations in the Middle East.
A fair and just solution to the Palestinian cause is now the only real guarantee for maintaining regional and global peace and security.
The current threats to seize Gaza must be firmly, practically, and seriously rejected.
Egypt and Saudi Arabia must build on the widespread public rejection of these plans and continue their efforts in this direction. Additionally, the extremist policies implemented by US President Donald Trump should be recognized as a severe threat to international relations.
I believe the threats against Gaza should push Egypt and Saudi Arabia to lead a unified and coordinated regional stance, backed by all the influential states in the region.
There is no unified Arab project to counter what is being planned for the region, especially in light of Israel’s expansionist agenda which has become evident in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, along with discussions about annexing additional Arab territories.
This expansionist approach was reinforced by Trump’s vision of a “small Israel that must expand.”
How can Arab nations develop a unified strategy to confront these plans?
• Regional leadership plays a fundamental role in preserving the right of the people to determine their own destiny.
The people of the region must have the final say in shaping a future of peace, security, and prosperity. I believe that regional stability starts with a coordinated security and development strategy, combined with a strong internal framework that ensures stability through promoting democracy, rights, and inclusive governance rather than exclusionary systems.
This is the key to internal stability within each country.
The deep ties among the region’s states confirm the potential for integration and the ability to formulate a common regional security strategy. If strategic interests are prioritized, a well-structured regional development plan can also be established to support economic growth and progress.
Furthermore, it is vital to uphold democracy at both national and individual levels in every state, ensuring human rights protections and frameworks that respect the dignity of all individuals through inclusive governance systems.
Leaders in the region must draw their strength from their people — true power comes from within and cannot be imported.
Additionally, a well-designed cooperative security strategy is essential to counteract all negative threats that hinder regional stability and peace.
The challenges facing the region today can be transformed into opportunities if decision-makers choose to take the right course of action.
Egypt has historically played a leading role in the region. How can it continue to do so despite ongoing challenges and targeted efforts to undermine its influence?
• Egypt must be supported by both the Arab and African world, extending to the broader Asian sphere.
Historically, Egypt has played a vital and influential role in the region – however, this influence has often made it a target for adversaries seeking to diminish its power.
These persistent attempts to weaken Egypt stem from a desire to erode its regional influence.
The best response to this is to reinforce regional unity and ensure that all countries in the region publicly support Egypt.
This is particularly important in affirming its unwavering stance in maintaining regional cohesion, which is fundamental to safeguarding collective national security.
Additionally, securing backing from African Union member states will be vital in reaffirming Egypt’s leadership within Africa and strengthening its ability to unify African efforts.
How can the Arab world benefit from global power shifts and discussions about a multipolar world order? How can it leverage this competition to its advantage rather than allowing its resources to be exploited by a single dominant power?
• It is vital to focus on building new alliances among countries in the Global South.
As I previously mentioned, there is a pressing need for stronger and more effective African-Asian coalitions to counter external threats and ambitions. These alliances must be founded on progressive principles, encompassing economic, security, and diplomatic cooperation while ensuring freedom, democracy, and internal sovereignty.
The cultural and economic ties within the BRICS countries offer a valuable dimension within this context.
By leveraging BRICS and engaging with other influential alliances, these efforts can gain substantial momentum.
The region must actively seek broad and effective alliances with African nations, Latin American countries, China, and ASEAN member states. This does not mean adopting a hostile stance toward the Global North; rather, it underscores the need for a balanced relationship between the Global South and the North.
The goal is not to deepen divisions but to establish fair cooperation, ensure balance, and safeguard rights – the objective is not to replace one form of extremism with another.
If you were to envision the future of this region amid the current conflicts and surrounding threats, how would you describe these scenarios in detail?
• First and foremost, it is essential to confront America’s grave threats through collective and coordinated mobilization within international institutions.
The Middle East cannot effectively counter the challenges posed by a powerful economic, political, and military force like the US without first engaging in such preparatory efforts.
Therefore, the region must leverage multilateral institutions such as the UN and its various mechanisms to challenge Washington’s policies.
Recent events in Gaza and the months-long campaign of genocide and ethnic cleansing seen there leave no doubt about the urgent need to redirect international cooperation to curb America’s overreach.
They also underscore the necessity of strengthening coordination among Global South nations to form a united progressive front. The ultimate goal of this front must be the expansion of freedom across the region and the protection of its increasingly threatened independence.
Though this is a period of immense challenges, it also presents an opportunity to forge new, powerful alliances with states that uphold the principles of freedom and justice for all – should decision-makers choose to seize it.
It is imperative that they recognize this opportunity and refuse to succumb to these challenges.
All indications suggest that we are on the verge of a “New Middle East” amid the dramatic transformations taking place in the region. Are we heading towards positive scenarios, or are we slipping further into political and security turmoil?
• I believe that the opportunity to establish a New Middle East does exist, but I am not aware of any concrete efforts to articulate any new goals and objectives in this direction.
I hope this region moves toward the future it deserves.
It must seize this pivotal historical moment to declare its intention to achieve a fundamental transformation—one that ensures its independence and prevents it from falling prey to American exploitation.
Naturally, this includes securing a democratic and sovereign state for the Palestinian people and providing a just, comprehensive, and sustainable resolution to their struggle after decades of resistance.
In your view, what are the similarities between South Africa’s experience in fighting apartheid and the Palestinian struggle against Israel’s racist occupation, which promotes the idea of being “the world’s only Jewish state”?
What lessons can the Palestinian struggle learn from South Africa’s path to liberation?
• The oppressive and brutal practices employed by Israel against the Palestinians—such as restrictions on movement, land ownership, political sovereignty, and identity—closely resemble the apartheid system that the Black majority endured in South Africa.
However, geographical conditions in Palestine complicate the struggle and hinder the Palestinians’ ability to wage an effective resistance.
The South African struggle was rooted in mass support and gained widespread backing from various factions and local communities. Additionally, it was led by well-organized political movements that mobilized the population.
Labor unions, civil society organizations, and other structures played critical supporting roles and launched campaigns that strengthened the fight for freedom.
Furthermore, international solidarity, strong underground networks, and an armed struggle that ran parallel to these other factors significantly bolstered the anti-apartheid movement.
Many of these elements exist in Palestine, but a unified and robust leadership could better channel these efforts towards success.
Throughout history, armed struggle has gone hand in hand with diplomacy and politics in resisting occupation and oppression. International law—shaped by Western powers—has recognized it as a legitimate strategy for oppressed peoples to confront their oppressors.
Why does this principle not seem to apply to the Palestinian case, in your view?
• The Palestinian struggle is uniquely complex due to the nature of the Israeli occupation. When occupiers refuse to negotiate a peaceful resolution, armed resistance becomes an inevitable choice.
One of the defining features of South Africa’s armed struggle was its effort to avoid harming civilians, which helped garner broader public support.
I believe the term “terrorist” is often used to describe threats to non-military targets, a harm we sought to avoid in our struggle by focusing on government facilities and institutions.
However, the circumstances are not entirely identical between these two cases.
The draft lawsuit filed by South Africa before the International Court of Justice against Israel described the October 7 operation as “terrorism.” Do you think this description was politically accurate? And how do such perceptions affect the world’s view of the Palestinian struggle?
• Many resistance operations today are classified as “terrorism,” even though our symbol of struggle, Nelson Mandela, was falsely and unjustly labeled as such.
I believe that leaders of liberation movements must consider the impact of their strategies and be cautious of any harm that may be inflicted on civilians.
Targeting civilians could impact the legitimacy of the struggle.
Instead of focusing on labels, we must work towards gathering strong support to end the oppression and push for a just and comprehensive resolution to the Palestinian cause.
Has South Africa been influenced by the West’s narrative?
• I am not sure of the West’s influence on our perspective in South Africa, as we tend to maintain our independent views. I do not recall using the term “terrorist” myself, and I would need to see the context in which this description was used in our country to provide a meaningful answer.
I believe South Africa has demonstrated an exemplary commitment to supporting efforts to end colonialism and occupation in Palestine, whether through its bold approach before the International Court of Justice or its continued advocacy for a free and independent Palestine.
In your opinion, what is the best solution to end the Palestinian-Israeli conflict— a two-state solution or a one-state solution with equal rights for all? What are the main obstacles to either, and how can they be overcome?
• When the national liberation movements in South Africa decided to negotiate with the enemy, it was a decision they made freely. Fortunately, these movements had the organizational strength to assert and achieve their demands.
No one dictated the outcome of our struggle to us, and similarly, it is up to the Palestinians to decide their future.
If they were to seek our advice, we would emphasize that the outcome must include respect for human rights, the right to self-determination, and full freedom.
Currently, the Israeli settlements make a two-state solution unlikely and a one-state solution seems difficult due to deep-seated hatred and distrust.
However, unexpected transformations can be achieved through leadership and ingenuity if both parties engage in serious negotiations.
As one of the leading advocates for international justice, how do you view the importance of prosecuting Israel in international courts? Do you believe that holding it accountable for genocide and preventing its impunity will contribute to achieving justice for Palestinians?
• Absolutely, I believe that resorting to international institutions is of the utmost importance. These institutions were established to promote justice and ensure our universal rights.
Why should we forgo our right to use them?
What is your message to Arab nations and the Global South regarding strengthening solidarity with the Palestinian cause? Based on your experience with apartheid, how can countries play a more effective role in supporting Palestinians politically and diplomatically?
• Again, “survival is collective.”
My message to the Palestinian people is that the entire world owes you an apology while simultaneously admiring your legendary resilience, your courage that has exceeded all expectations, and your remarkable determination to achieve your freedom.
I say to the Palestinians: all peace-loving nations stand with you and your just cause. Keep fighting for your liberation.
I must also point out that South Africa needs global support in its efforts to help Palestine attain its rightful freedom.
All Arab and African nations should consider launching more effective campaigns to support the Palestinian struggle, including adopting several strategies that were used against the apartheid regime.
I call on them to provide more backing to South Africa.
I also believe that South Africa should build upon its previous steps and play an active role in bringing together Palestinian organizations and factions, encouraging them to form clear visions for the future of the Palestinian state and the region, promote these visions more broadly, and help translate them from political and diplomatic discourse into practical and effective action.
Now, let me turn to your experience as an African woman who became a symbol of struggle. Tell me about your childhood and youth, and what were the key factors behind your rise as a successful African minister and later as a global advocate for justice as the head of the Nelson Mandela Foundation?
• I absorbed the spirit of struggle from my father and grandfather, as I grew up in a political family.
Both my grandfather and father were leaders in the African National Congress, which opposed colonialism and the policies of the white settlers who controlled our country’s wealth for decades.
From this movement, I imbibed the principles of Nelson Mandela.
I experienced exile and was constantly hearing about our homeland and its struggle while living abroad.
Most importantly, I was raised to believe that education is a powerful weapon—one that would enable us to serve our free nation upon our return. History, politics, political leaders, and reading were integral parts of my childhood.
I grew up detesting injustice and bullying, which is why I firmly believe that all human beings deserve freedom.
Some believe that your departure from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was not voluntary but due to the pressures and threats you faced after South Africa filed a genocide lawsuit against Israel.
Can you share some details about the threats and challenges you encountered?
• After speaking out against Israel’s war on Gaza, I was subjected to systematic incitement campaigns by Zionist lobbies.
Incendiary and defamatory articles were published against me in the media outlets owned by these groups.
A coordinated pressure campaign was launched against me, and I received numerous threatening text messages, some targeting my family members. Eventually, more elaborate and formalized defamatory articles appeared in newspapers and magazines owned by these lobbying groups. The threats against my family forced me to leave my position “reluctantly”—I could not bear to see any harm come to my loved ones. So, I left my post to protect them and decided to dedicate my efforts to the Nelson Mandela Foundation.
Recently, I have been falsely and maliciously labeled as “anti-Semitic” and a “Jew-hater.” These lies continue to circulate.
Moreover, my public movements have become increasingly risky due to incitement and aggression—people have confronted me with hostility, telling me how “horrible” I am.
I have faced and continue to face systematic campaigns as punishment for supporting the Palestinian cause, but this will never deter my belief in their right to justice.
Given the violence and incitement you have faced, do you think Zionist lobbying groups and their media or intelligence activities pose a threat to the security of Africa and the Middle East?
• Absolutely, these practices pose a real danger to the security of the regions where they operate. I believe Zionism represents a serious and negative force.
There is evidence of its efforts to expand Israel’s influence in Africa and other places, so we must be vigilant and pay greater attention to countering the damage and risks these forces and their media and intelligence operations cause.
As a South African woman who understands the meaning of struggle, what is your message to the women in Gaza and across Palestine?
• I cannot help but salute their resilience. I assure these Palestinian women that they are an inspiration and that together, we can amplify our power if we believe in it. We can achieve a better world that embraces justice as a principle and restores rights to their rightful owners.
We can further this goal by strengthening and reforming the United Nations to make it more effective in supporting the most vulnerable and oppressed nations and communities worldwide.
If Nelson Mandela and Gamal Abdel Nasser were alive today, what do you think their stance would be on the genocide in Gaza?
• These two leaders taught us that the survival of Eastern and Southern nations is collective.
I believe that if Nelson Mandela and the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser were witnessing the brutality and genocide in Gaza today, they would have taken immediate and effective strategies to push the world to act against the genocide and put an end to it.
They would not have remained silent for a single moment.
Our leaders, our symbols—such as President Nasser and Mandela—demonstrate the importance of African solidarity in the fight against colonialism.
They remained steadfast in their continuous cooperation toward achieving this goal through concrete steps that history has documented.
In your view, what obstacles prevent the reform of the UN Security Council, a demand the Arab and African worlds have made for decades? And how long will this demand remain unresolved?
• The exploitation of the Global South and its people, wealth, and resources continues.
Unfortunately, some of these nations, despite their people’s suffering, cooperate in corrupt ways to perpetuate this exploitation. I believe this will only end when corruption within the Global South ends – when these nations truly express the will of their people and stop collaborating with those who drain them.
How can the strategies of African liberation movements, led by Nelson Mandela against colonialism, be applied to Palestine, South Lebanon, and all conflict zones against occupation in the Middle East? And what is your view of Hamas and Hezbollah?
• I don’t believe it is easy to directly apply South Africa’s experience in liberation to the Palestinian struggle, but I see an urgent need to strengthen Palestinian-led international solidarity.
I believe that both Hamas and Hezbollah have contributed significantly to advancing the Palestinian cause.
As for Western labels, all national liberation movements have been struck with various labels by the occupiers and their supporters—but that has never and will never stop their desire for freedom.
Finally, in light of the challenges facing the Middle East and Africa, how can we revive the spirit of the Bandung Conferences—led by Mandela and Nasser and attended by high-level delegations from 29 African and Asian countries, which served as the foundation for the Non-Aligned Movement?
Can Egypt and South Africa draw on this experience to enhance political and economic independence in the Middle East and Africa?
•It is vital to revive these historical bonds and establish a strong, effective African–Asian entities to confront America’s overreach, as the weakness of Asian and African alliances has encouraged oppressive forces to further exploit the peoples of the South and East.
I certainly hope to see the revival of the Bandung spirit for African–Asian integration.
I also advise that this proposal be directed to the Egyptian and South African governments based on their official stances. South Africa’s foreign policy emphasizes peace and security in Africa, supports the goals of the African Union’s Agenda 2063, and calls for positive partnerships with the West in ways that serve the interests of Africa and the Middle East.
I believe Egypt is following the same approach; therefore, I support delivering this message to both Cairo and Cape Town.
